为什么许多中国人反对香港的抗议活动?_OK阅读网
双语新闻
Bilingual News


双语对照阅读
分级系列阅读
智能辅助阅读
在线英语学习
首页 |  双语新闻 |  双语读物 |  双语名著 | 
[英文] [中文] [双语对照] [双语交替]    []        


为什么许多中国人反对香港的抗议活动?
Why Many in China Oppose Hong Kong’s Protests

来源:纽约时报    2019-07-02 12:04



        Cecilia Zhang is the sort of Chinese person who you might think would be sympathetic to the protesters in Hong Kong. She went to a prestigious American university, gets her news from foreign media and has no plan to move back to the mainland from Hong Kong, where she has worked in the financial industry for the past four years.        塞西莉亚·张(Cecilia Zhang)是那种你可能认为会同情香港抗议者的中国人。她读的是一所美国名校,从外国媒体获得新闻,过去四年来一直在香港金融业工作,没有从香港搬回内地的打算。
        But she says she doesn’t understand why people in Hong Kong continue to take to the streets. In fact, she thinks they should go home.        但是她说,她不明白为什么香港人继续上街游行。事实上,她认为他们应该回家了。
        “Hong Kong’s economy is going to be ugly this year after all the strikes,” she said. “Why would you do something that’s not going to benefit you? What can you get out of it?”        “罢工罢课,今年香港的经济会很难看,”她说。“什么都没有利益的事你为什么做?你能得到什么?”
        It isn’t a surprise that many people in China oppose the protests against a proposed law that would allow Hong Kong to extradite criminal suspects to mainland China. They see only the news that Beijing’s censors let them see.        香港的抗议活动针对的是一项拟议中的法律,它将允许香港将犯罪嫌疑人引渡到中国内地。许多内地人反对这些抗议并不奇怪。他们只看北京的审查机构允许他们看的新闻。
        What is surprising is that many Chinese people who know the full story share that opinion.        令人意外的是,许多对整件事的来龙去脉有全面了解的中国人,也持有同样的观点。
        Independent polling isn’t allowed in China, so judging public attitudes toward Hong Kong is largely guesswork. But among the educated Chinese I know, the ones who travel and can see the global internet, a large number believe the protesters are wasting their time. They should instead be working to rebuild Hong Kong, they say, a city they see as a one-time beacon of prosperity that is losing its promise.        独立的民意调查在中国是不允许的,因此判断公众对香港的态度在很大程度上只能靠猜测。但在我认识的受过教育的中国人当中,也就是那些经常旅行并能看到全球互联网的人当中,有相当一部分认为抗议者是在浪费时间。他们说,抗议者应该努力重建香港,他们认为香港是曾经繁荣的灯塔,但现在正在失去光泽。
        Their views suggest a hard Chinese line against Hong Kong that goes beyond propaganda. It shows a fundamental shift in how many people in China see the city — and, by extension, how they see their own country. And it reflects a deeply rooted belief in the success of what many call the China Model: economic growth at the cost of individual rights.        他们的观点表明,中国人对香港的强硬立场超出宣传。从中可以看到,在中国许多人如何看待这座城市——进而引申到他们如何看待自己的国家上,发生了一个根本性的转变。这反映出人们对许多人称之为中国模式的成功有一种根深蒂固的信念,即以个人权利为代价换取经济增长。
        The Communist Party has long pushed the Chinese people to look at the world through the lens of economic interests, and skeptical attitudes toward the Hong Kong protests show it has taken firm root. Freedom can’t fill stomachs, this thinking goes. And individual rights of the kind that people in Hong Kong enjoy — to challenge the government in the press, in the courts and on the streets — would lead to chaos in China, bringing back poverty and hunger.        长期以来,中国共产党一直在推动中国人民从经济利益的角度看世界,对香港抗议活动的怀疑态度表明,这种看世界的方式已经深入人心。这种想法认为,自由不能当饭吃。香港人享有的那种个人权利——在媒体、法庭和街道上挑战政府——将在中国导致混乱,让人们回到贫困和饥饿的时代。
        That attitude even among the elite suggests more conflict ahead between Hong Kong and the mainland. It also casts further doubt on the possibility that as China becomes more middle class, its people will inevitably demand more individual rights, forcing the Communist Party to ease its control over society or even democratize.        就连精英阶层中也有人持这种态度,这表明香港与大陆之间未来还会发生更多冲突。这也让人进一步怀疑一种可能性,即随着中国的中产阶级越来越多,中国人民将不可避免地要求更多的个人权利,迫使共产党放松对社会的控制,甚至实现民主化。
        “Over the past 40 years we’ve only talked about business in the mainland, nothing else,” Zhao Jianfei, a tech executive in Beijing, wrote on his WeChat timeline recently. “All of our thinking is based on the assumption that people are economic animals.”        “大陆40年来只谈经济不谈其他,”北京的一位科技高管赵剑飞(音)最近在他的微信朋友圈写道。“所以基本上一切思考的假设都是人是经济动物。”
        “Looking at the future, this assumption isn’t going to work,” Mr. Zhao wrote. “We need to wake up.”        “现在看未来,这个假设越来越不成立,”赵剑飞写道。“该及时醒悟了。”
        That hard focus on economics is by no means unanimous among business types and academics. My colleagues wrote about how some mainlanders living in Hong Kong took part in the protests. At a recent dinner I attended, a group of eight businesspeople largely from the mainland began to belt out in Cantonese “Boundless Oceans, Vast Skies,” Hong Kong’s unofficial freedom anthem by the rock band Beyond.        绝不是所有的商界和学术界人士都对经济有这种强烈关注。我的同事写了一些生活在香港的大陆人如何参与抗议活动的报道。在我最近参加的一个晚餐上,八名主要来自大陆的商界人士开始用粤语高唱《海阔天空》,这是香港摇滚乐队Beyond的非官方自由之歌。
        “Forgive me for embracing freedom with abandonment in my life,” they sang, then cheered for Hong Kong.        “原谅我这一生不羁放纵爱自由,”他们唱到,然后为香港加油。
        But it isn’t hard to find critics of the Hong Kong protests among Western-educated Chinese people. Some worry that the demonstrations will result in violent suppression, as the Chinese government did in 1989 in Tiananmen Square. Others simply think the protesters are worried about the wrong thing.        但是,在受过西方教育的中国人当中,不难找到对香港抗议活动持批评态度的人。一些人担心示威会导致暴力镇压,就像1989年中国政府在天安门广场所做的那样。还有人认为抗议者担心的是错误的事情。
        Tian Feilong, an associate law professor in Beijing who has translated several books on constitutional law and federalism to Chinese from English, asserted in a recent article that the protests were supported by foreign forces, would cause chaos in Hong Kong and ultimately hurt China. It won support online, including the comment from one reader that “it wouldn’t take long for Hong Kong to shrink to a fishing village.” Mr. Tian didn’t respond to a request for comment.        北京的法学副教授田飞龙曾将多本关于宪法和联邦制的英文书籍翻译成中文。他在最近的一篇文章中声称,香港的抗议活动得到了国际势力的干预和支持,乱港祸国。文章在网上得到了支持,有读者评论,“香港离渔村就不远了。”田飞龙没有回复置评请求。
        In another popular article headlined “Can Hong Kong be Saved?” the author, Zhao Haoyang, who graduated from a master’s program in the city a few years ago, declared that Hong Kong’s youth aren’t bad people — they’re merely stupid. Hong Kong people have a type of post-prosperity arrogance, he wrote, and the city’s exposure to Western values helps delude the public. The article got over 100,000 page views on the social media platform WeChat, and about 7,000 people made cash donations to the author. The article was later deleted for violating unspecified WeChat content rules, and the author didn’t respond to a request for comment.        另一篇颇受欢迎的文章叫《香港这座城市还有救吗?》,作者赵皓阳几年前从香港的一个研究生项目毕业,他断言,香港的年轻人真的不是坏——他们只是蠢而已。他写道,香港受到西方价值观的冲击,普通民众很容易被蛊惑。这篇文章在社交媒体平台微信上获得了10万+的浏览量,大约7000人主动向作者打赏。这篇文章后来被微信删除,因为违反了未指明的规则。该文作者没有回复置评请求。
        These attitudes are a big reversal from how many in China once saw the former British colony. For many Chinese in the 1980s and ’90s, Hong Kong symbolized what we wanted China to be. We imitated fashions in Hong Kong soap operas, learned rudimentary Cantonese so we could sing Cantopop, and were surprised that the police in television shows had to work hard to prove that anybody, even a gangster, was guilty.        这些态度与许多中国人以前对这个英国前殖民地的看法截然不同。对20世纪八九十年代的许多中国人来说,香港象征着我们希望中国未来的样子。我们模仿香港肥皂剧中的时尚,学习基本的广东话,这样我们就能唱粤语流行歌曲,我们在电视上惊讶地发现,警察必须下功夫证明别人有罪,哪怕是黑帮也不例外。
        “Hong Kong, Hong Kong, why is it so fragrant?” goes the lyric of a popular song in China in the early 1990s, referring to Hong Kong’s Chinese name, which translates to “Fragrant Harbor.” It cited the impending 1997 handover of the city by its British rulers back to Chinese control with the lyrics, “1997, please come soonest. I can go to Hong Kong.”        “香港、香港,怎么那么香?”20世纪90年代初中国的一首流行歌曲唱道。歌词还提到即将到来的1997年,届时香港将由其英国统治者归还给中国:“1997快些到吧,我就可以去香港。”
        Many Chinese, including me, stayed up until the early hours of July 1, 1997, to watch the ceremonial handover back to China. We were filled with pride that the shining pearl in the Orient — the name of a popular patriotic song — had returned to the motherland. We were imbued with hope that the rest of China could be as prosperous as Hong Kong.        1997年7月1日,包括我在内的许多中国人一直到凌晨都没入睡,观看香港回归中国的仪式。我们为这颗闪亮的东方之珠——一首流行爱国歌曲的名字——回归祖国而感到自豪。我们对中国其他地方也能像香港一样繁荣昌盛满怀希望。
        That was before China became the world’s second-largest economy and a budding superpower. Now, there has been a shift in the way people view the rest of the world. Just as many Chinese people are underwhelmed by the outdated New York City subway systems and by potholes on the highways in Silicon Valley, they are increasingly losing interest in the Hong Kong model of free borders and freedom of speech. Many have come to believe that Hong Kong wouldn’t be so rich without mainland China.        那是在中国成为世界第二大经济体和新兴超级大国之前。现在,中国人看待世界其他地方的方式发生了变化。正如许多中国人对纽约陈旧的地铁系统和硅谷坑坑洼洼的高速公路感到失望一样,他们对香港的自由港和言论自由模式也越来越失去兴趣。许多人开始相信,没有中国大陆,香港不会如此富有。
        Now the world goes directly to Beijing. Hong Kong’s skyscrapers are overshadowed by those in Shanghai and Shenzhen. Many Hong Kong entertainers learned to speak Mandarin, the primary mainland Chinese dialect. Hong Kong retailers increasingly rely on mainland tourists who splurge on luxury goods.        现在,世界直接去了北京。香港的摩天大楼与上海和深圳的相比黯然失色。许多香港艺人学说中国大陆的官方语言普通话。香港零售商越来越依赖在奢侈品上挥金如土的内地游客。
        Hong Kong’s people don’t look as rich as they once did. Mainlanders now see that the majority of Hong Kong residents don’t live in sea view villas, drive luxury cars or dine in fine restaurants as they saw in soap operas. They live in cramped apartments, often much smaller than theirs in Beijing and Shanghai, and work long hours to make a living in one of the most expensive cities in the world.        香港人看起来不像以前那么富有了。内地人现在看到,大多数香港人并不像他们在肥皂剧中看到的那样,住海景别墅、开豪车,或在高档餐厅用餐。大多数香港人住在狭小的公寓里,通常比他们在北京和上海的公寓小得多,为了在世界上生活成本最高的城市之一谋生,香港人要工作很长的时间。
        Mainland visitors are also mistreated at times. Fairly or not, many in Hong Kong blame people from China for spiraling housing costs, as China’s rich park their money in expensive apartments. They see mainlanders as rude and uncultured, and stereotype them as unable to form a line properly or allowing their children to urinate on the streets. That has led to confrontations and resentment on both sides.        内地游客有时也会受到不友好的对待。不管公平与否,许多香港人把房价不断上升归咎于中国人,因为中国的富人为了找地方投资而购置昂贵的公寓。香港人认为内地人无礼、没文化,不排队,允许孩子在街头小便。这导致了双方的对抗和怨恨。
        Now Hong Kong has become a source of what many mainlanders fear most: instability. They don’t see a fight over individual rights. They see ungrateful separatists and troublemakers. And they believe the Communist Party will get its way eventually.        如今,香港已成为许多内地人最担心的东西——不稳定的来源。内地民众看到的不是为了个人权利的斗争。他们看到的是忘恩负义的分裂分子和捣乱分子。他们相信共产党最终会如愿以偿。
        “I want to take the best of Hong Kong, but I won’t take part in that nonsense local stuff,” said Ms. Zhang, the Hong Kong resident from the mainland. “If there’s no return on your investment, what’s the point?”        “我想得到香港最好的东西,但我不会参与那些毫无意义的本地事务,”来自大陆的香港居民塞西莉亚·张说。“如果你的投资没有回报,那还有什么意义呢?”
                
   返回首页                  

OK阅读网 版权所有(C)2017 | 联系我们