和理非与勇武派“不割席”,香港抗议者团结共存_OK阅读网
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和理非与勇武派“不割席”,香港抗议者团结共存
In Hong Kong, Unity Between Peaceful and Radical Protesters. For Now.

来源:纽约时报    2019-09-29 11:38



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        One slogan in the Hong Kong protests has taken on new significance: “Don’t distance yourself; don’t snitch.”
        “不割席、不笃灰。”香港抗议活动中的一句口号获得了全新的意义。
        The slogan is a call for the protesters to remain united, even as different factions emerge and their tactics diverge.        这句口号呼吁抗议者保持团结,即便存在不同的派别,且使用的策略也各不相同。
        During the more than 100 days of the anti-government protests, the various camps — from the most peaceful to the most confrontational — have generally avoided publicly criticizing each others’ actions. The approach has persisted despite the steady flare-ups of violence including this past weekend, when protesters threw bricks and gasoline bombs.        在100多天的反政府抗议活动中,各个阵营——从最和平的到最好斗的——基本上避免了公开批评彼此的行动。尽管暴力事件不断升级(包括抗议者在上周投掷砖块和汽油弹),这种默契仍得以延续。
        Carrie Lam, the Hong Kong chief executive, complained about the solidarity when she announced this month that she would withdraw the extradition legislation, which originally incited the movement.        本月,在宣布将撤回最初引发这场运动的引渡法案时,香港首席行政长官林郑月娥对这种同仇敌忾表达了不满。
        She called on peaceful protesters to distance themselves from “the really violent protesters who have been attacking our public infrastructure, blocking the roads, storming into buildings and disrupting the normal operations of the airport and the rail,” she said.        她呼吁和平抗议者与那些“真正暴力的抗议者”保持距离,“他们攻击了我们的公共设施、堵塞了道路、闯进建筑物并扰乱了机场和铁路的正常运营”,她说。
        While the unity is continuously tested, many protesters consider it important for their success. The Umbrella Movement, the 79 days of sit-ins that began five years ago on Saturday, ended when some groups of protesters denounced others’ more aggressive actions and legal injunctions whittled away the protest sites.        虽然这种团结不断受到考验,但许多抗议者认为,这对他们的成功至关重要。始于5年前一个周六的雨伞运动只持续了79天,当一些抗议团体谴责其他抗议者更激进的行动,而后随着法律禁令让抗议场所逐渐减少,那场运动也宣告结束。
        Here is a look at the various camps, their roots, and how they’re coexisting.        以下是我们对各个阵营及其起源以及他们之间如何共存的分析。
        The city’s protest tradition        这座城市的抗议传统
        Hong Kong has had a long tradition of peaceful marches attended by hundreds of thousands of people. It dates back at least to 1989, when Hong Kongers turned out en masse to support the Tiananmen protests in Beijing and to mourn those killed in the crackdown. On May 21, 1989, organizers said one million people marched in the city.        香港有和平游行的悠久传统,这些游行都有数十万人参加。它至少可以追溯到1989年,当时香港人集体走上街头支持北京的天安门抗议活动,并对在镇压中丧生的人表示哀悼。1989年5月21日,组织者说,100万人参加了这座城市的游行。
        Vigils held on the anniversary of the Tiananmen crackdown have continued ever since. Szeto Wah, a pro-democracy lawmaker and union leader, who helped organize the events, insisted they be peaceful, rational and nonviolent, or woh-leih-fei in the Cantonese shorthand.        此后香港一直在天安门镇压纪念日举行守夜活动。曾帮助组织这些活动的亲民主立法者、工会领导人司徒华(Szeto Wah)坚持要让活动保持和平、理性和非暴力,简称“和理非”。
        “This phrase is so popular because Hong Kong people have been quite allergic to any sort of violence or any physical clashes,” said Bonnie Leung of the Civil Human Rights Front, an umbrella group that organized the large, peaceful marches during the current protests. “For a very long time, pan-democratic people and the general public think of woh-leih-fei as the general principal of how we protest in Hong Kong.”“这个说法大受欢迎,因为香港人一直很厌恶任何形式的暴力或肢体冲突,”民间人权阵线(Civil Human Rights Front)的梁颖敏说,该伞形组织曾在当前抗议活动中组织大规模和平游行。“很长一段时间,泛民主人士和普通大众认为和理非是香港抗议的一般原则。”        
        The past decade has seen the rise of a new group of more confrontational protesters known as the yuhng mouh, or “the valiant” in Cantonese. Unlike the peaceful group, they are willing to clash with the police, though they argue the authorities use more force.        过去十年来,新一批更具对抗性的抗议者开始崛起,他们被称为“勇武派”。与和平抗议群体不同,他们愿意同警察发生冲突,虽然他们辩称当局使用的暴力更多。
        Sometimes they damage private property. But they tend to focus their aggression on symbols of the state, such as government buildings, police vehicles and recently the subway system, which has begun to close stations in neighborhoods where protests are taking place.        有时,他们会破坏私有财产。但他们倾向于把攻击行为集中在国家象征物上,如政府大楼、警车以及近来的地铁系统,后者已经开始关停发生游行活动的社区的地铁站。
        The targeted nature of such destruction means it generally escapes widespread condemnation from the peaceful camp, but that could change if the damage were to become more haphazard.        鉴于破坏针对的是这些目标,和平阵营大体上对他们没有进行广泛的谴责,但倘若破坏变得更加随意,这一点可能会改变。
        “We had to upgrade our protests,” said Peter Mok, a 26-year-old clerk, who was wearing a face mask and a rain jacket as he joined demonstrators repelled from the government headquarters by tear gas on August 31. “Peaceful protests weren’t working. The government said they don’t care.”        “我们需要升级我们的抗议活动,”现年26岁的职员彼得·莫(Peter Mok,音)说,8月31日,戴着口罩、身穿雨衣的他加入了被催泪瓦斯赶出政府总部的抗议者行列。“和平抗议不起作用。政府说他们不在乎。”
        ‘If we burn, you burn with us”
        “要烧死我们,我们同归于尽”
        The ongoing protests have also seen the popularization of a scorched earth philosophy. It is sometimes identified by the phrase “laahm chau” in Cantonese, a combination of words meaning “to embrace” and “to fry.”
        当前的抗议活动中还兴起了一种焦土思潮。它有时会以粤语“揽炒”一词的形式出现,两个字分别是“拉住”和“翻炒”的意思。
        Its adherents argue that Hong Kong has created a deeply unfair system, and needs a complete overhaul.        焦土思潮的追随者辩称,香港建立了极不公平的体制,需要彻底改革。
        “It exists in different degrees because people don’t see themselves as benefiting, not just economically but also having a stake in the system,” said Mr. Yuen.
        “存在于不同层面,因为人们觉得自己没有受益,不仅在经济上,还包括在体制中成为利害攸关者,”袁玮熙说。
        A quotation from the “Hunger Games” series of books has been widely used to explain the idea: “If we burn, you burn with us.”        引自《饥饿游戏》(Hunger Games)系列图书的一句话被广泛用于解释这一看法:“要烧死我们,我们同归于尽。”
        The slogan has been expressly singled out by central government officials, who criticize it as a suicide pact to bring down Hong Kong’s economy.
        中央政府官员特意提到了揽炒的口号,批评它是搞垮香港经济的玉石俱焚之举。
        An anonymous Telegram account, “I want laahm chau,” published a widely circulated essay challenging the argument that the idea offered an apocalyptic vision for Hong Kong. It argued that the protesters’ creativity showed the city’s prospects if it was not dominated by powerful special interest groups.
        名为“我要揽炒”的Telegram匿名账户发表了一篇广泛流传的文章,驳斥了这一理念将香港引向灭亡的观点。文章称,抗议者的创造力展现出,一旦香港不是被强大的特殊利益集团所主导的话,会是怎样一番景象。
        “The end point of laahm chau is not a tragedy, rather it is filled with hope,” it said.        “揽炒的终点并非悲剧,而是充满可能性的未来,”文章称。
        The account helped organize a protest in August that called for the United States Congress to pass the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act, legislation that would impose sanctions against officials who undermine Hong Kong’s autonomy. The protesters also called on Britain, the former colonial ruler of Hong Kong, to declare that China had violated the terms of the territory’s handover.        该账户8月曾参与组织抗议活动,呼吁美国国会通过将对破坏香港自治权的官员实施制裁的《香港人权与民主法案》(Human Rights and Democracy Act)。抗议者还呼吁香港的前殖民统治者英国宣布中国违反了香港移交的条款。
        Legacy of the Umbrella Movement
        “雨伞运动”的遗产
        During the final weeks of 2014’s Umbrella Movement, dozens of protesters charged out of their camp near the government’s headquarters, grabbed metal barricades and began smashing the reinforced glass walls of the legislature.
        在2014年“雨伞运动”的最后几周,数十名抗议者冲出位于政府总部附近的营地,抓起金属路障,砸向立法会的强化玻璃墙。
        The police soon arrived and arrested at least six people. Student groups and pro-democracy lawmakers condemned the destruction.        警察很快赶到并逮捕了至少6人。学生团体和民主派议员谴责了这次破坏。
        This year, however, is different. When dozens of protesters grabbed metal bars on July 1 and again began smashing the entry to the legislature, the voices of restraint were quickly drowned out.        然而,今年有所不同。7月1日,数十名抗议者抓住金属杠,再次砸向立法机关的入口时,克制的声音很快就被淹没了。
        The protesters kept smashing, and eventually broke through. Dozens charged inside, damaging symbols of China’s central government, smashing photos of pro-Beijing politicians and marring the walls with graffiti.        抗议者不断冲撞,最后终于破门而入。数十人入内破坏了中央政府的象征,砸毁了亲北京政治人物的照片,并在墙上涂鸦。
        “It was you who taught us that peaceful protest don’t work,” read one message.        其中一条信息写道:“是你教我和平游行是没用。”
        There was no barrage of criticism from the standard-bearers of nonviolence. And they have largely held back even as violence has escalated and clashes with police officers and civilians have become continued.        非暴力运动的旗手们并没有猛烈批评这些举动。甚至暴力升级,警民持续冲突时,他们在很大程度上仍有保留。
        “The yuhng mouh and the peaceful, they fought with each other,” Mr. Mok said of the Umbrella Movement. “Each thought they were right. But now we think both sides are important and we have to help each other.”        “那时候勇武派与和理非互相争斗,”彼得·莫在谈到雨伞运动时说。“每个人都认为自己是对的。但是现在我们认为双方都很重要,我们必须守望相助。”
        The symbiotic relationship        共生关系
        Each camps’ importance became apparent early on in the movement. The government pushed ahead with the contentious legislation even after the June 9 march, which organizers said had drawn more than one million people.
        各个阵营的重要性,在运动之初就已经显现出来。甚至在组织者声称参加者达到100万人以上的6月9日游行之后,政府还在推动这项有争议的立法。 
        On June 12, protesters took a more assertive approach. They surrounded the legislature, clashing with the police and blocking pro-establishment lawmakers from entering the building.
        6月12日,抗议者采取了更为强硬的态度。他们包围了立法会大厦,与警方发生冲突,并阻止亲建制派立法委员进入大楼。
        “Without them risking their lives, the bill would have been passed,” said Bonnie Leung of the Civil Human Rights Front. “This was a significant moment, a point for us to understand each other. The radical approach can be useful.”
        “如果他们不冒生命危险,这项法案就会获得通过,”民间人权阵线的梁颖敏说。“这是一个重要的时刻,是我们相互理解的时刻。激进的方法可能是有用的。”
        At the same time, peaceful protests have continued to show the breadth of opposition to the government, she added. On June 16, nearly two million people marched, according to organizers’ estimates.        她补充说,与此同时,和平抗议活动继续显示出反对政府的广泛程度。据组织者估计,6月16日有近200万人参加了游行。
        “This number is the spine of the whole movement and attracts the attention of the whole world,” she said.        “这个数字是整个运动的脊梁,吸引了全世界的关注,”她说。
        Brian Leung, the only protester to take off his mask and reveal his identity during the July 1 break-in of the legislature, said the escalation that night was the result of sustained support between the two sides.        梁继平是7月1日非法闯入立法会期间唯一一名摘下面具并透露身份的抗议者。他表示,当晚的事态升级是两派持续支持的结果。
        “The key to that is the mutual trust and the recognition that the other part is also striving for what they’re striving, that there is a common goal,” he said. “Of course it has to be bounded by some kind of moral concern, that your escalation has to be justified.”        “实现这一目标的关键是相互信任,并认识到对方也在为他们所追求的目标而努力,有一个共同的目的,”他说。“当然,它必须受到某种道德关切的约束,你的升级必须是合理的。”
        Testing the Unity        对团结的考验
        At times, violent measures have tested the solidarity between protesters. Last month, after days of protest at the airport, demonstrators assaulted two men from mainland China. But protesters’ decision to apologize helped convince people in the nonviolent camp to remain aligned, said Ms. Leung.
        有时,暴力措施考验着抗议者之间的团结。上个月,在机场抗议了几天之后,示威者袭击了两名来自中国大陆的男子。但梁颖敏说,抗议者道歉的决定有助于说服非暴力阵营的人保持团结。
        “Because of their willingness to reflect and improve and willingness to apologize, I was convinced that in our movement, the radical protesters and the peaceful protesters, we are still heading in the right direction,” she said.
        “由于他们愿意反思和改善,愿意道歉,我相信,在我们的运动中,无论是激进的抗议者还是和平的抗议者,我们仍然在朝着正确的方向前进,”她说。
        That solidarity likely worries the central government more than the actual violence itself, said Mr. Yuen.        袁玮熙说,这种团结可能比实际的暴力本身更令中央政府担忧。
        “They’re not worried about individuals throwing rocks, because that’s very easy to handle,” he said. “But they are worried when everybody retreats at the same time. Or everybody appears at a place at the same time. If I am the ruler, I would be scared, because I cannot divide the group.”        “他们不担心有人扔石头,因为这很容易处理,”他说。“但当所有人同时撤退,或者所有人同时出现在一个地方的时候,他们会感到担心。如果我是统治者,我会感到害怕,因为我无法分裂这个群体。”
                
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