Bilingual News

首页 |  双语新闻 |  双语读物 |  双语名著 | 
[英文] [中文] [双语对照] [双语交替]    []        

A Fumbled Global Response to the Virus in a Leadership Void

来源:纽约时报    2020-03-12 07:03

        Sign up for NYT Chinese-language Morning Briefing.        [欢迎点击此处订阅新冠病毒疫情每日中文简报,或发送邮件至cn.letters@nytimes.com加入订阅。]
        LONDON — In Frankfurt, the president of the European Central Bank warned that the coronavirus could trigger an economic crash as dire as that of 2008. In Berlin, the German chancellor warned the virus could infect two-thirds of her country’s population. In London, the British prime minister rolled out a nearly $40 billion rescue package to cushion his economy from the shock.        伦敦——在法兰克福,欧洲央行行长警告说,冠状病毒可能引发与2008年一样严重的经济崩溃。在柏林,德国总理警告说,病毒可能导致该国三分之二的人口感染。在伦敦,英国首相推出了将近400亿美元的一揽子救助计划,以缓解经济受到的冲击。
        As the toll of those afflicted by the virus continued to soar and financial markets from Tokyo to New York continued to swoon, world leaders are finally starting to find their voices about the gravity of what is now officially a pandemic.        随着感染者的死亡人数持续飙升,从东京到纽约的金融市场持续低迷,世界各国领导人终于开始谈及这场已正式定性为大流行病的疫情的严重性。
        Yet it remains less a choir than a cacophony — a dissonant babble of politicians all struggling, in their own way, to cope with the manifold challenges posed by the virus, from its crushing burden on hospitals and health care workers to its economic devastation and rising death toll.        然而,与其说是合唱,这更像一种刺耳的喧嚣——一群七嘴八舌的政客用各自的方式努力应对这种病毒所带来的各种挑战,从超负荷的医院和医护人员到崩溃的经济和与日俱增的死亡人数。
        The choir also lacks a conductor, a role played through most of the post-World War II era by the United States.        这个合唱团还欠缺指挥,在二战战后的大部分时间里,这个角色是由美国扮演的。
        President Trump has failed to work with other leaders to fashion a common response, preferring to promote travel bans and his border wall over the scientific advice of his own medical experts. Mr. Trump’s secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, has taken to calling it the “Wuhan virus,” vilifying the country where it originated and complicating efforts to coordinate a global response.        特朗普总统未能与其他领导人合作形成一致的回应,他宁愿推动旅行禁令和他的边境墙,而不是他自己的医学专家的科学建议。特朗普的国务卿迈克·庞皮欧(Mike Pompeo)把它叫做“武汉病毒”,丑化其发源国,使协调全球响应的工作更加艰难。
        The same denigration of science and urge to block outsiders has characterized leaders from China to Iran, as well as right-wing populists in Europe, which is sowing cynicism and leaving people uncertain of who to believe. Far from trying to stamp out the virus, strongmen like President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia have seized on the upheaval it is causing as cover for steps to consolidate their power.        从中国到伊朗的领导人,乃至欧洲的右翼民粹主义者,都有同样的对科学的诋毁和对外人的排斥,这播下了疑神疑鬼的种子,让人们不知道该相信谁。俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·V·普京(Vladimir V. Putin)和沙特阿拉伯王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼(Mohammed bin Salman)等强人领袖并没有去试图消灭病毒,而是趁机以其引发的动荡为掩护,巩固自己的力量。
        Yet it is too simple to lay all this at Mr. Trump’s door, or on world leaders collectively. Part of the problem is simply the fiendish nature of the pathogen.        然而,将一切推到特朗普身上,或一股脑推到各国领导人身上,都过于简单了。部分问题实际上源于病原体的残忍特性。
        Coronavirus has resisted the tools that countries have brought to bear against previous global scourges. Mysterious in its transmission and relentless in its spread, it has led countries to try wildly divergent responses. The lack of common standards on testing, on the cancellation of public gatherings and on quarantines have deepened the anxiety of people and eroded confidence in their leaders.        各国为抵御先前的全球灾祸而使用的工具,被冠状病毒一一击败。诡异的感染方式,持续不懈的传播,已经导致各国不得不尝试各种截然不同的应对方式。在病毒测试、取消公共聚会和隔离方法上缺乏一致的标准,这加剧了人们的焦虑,并削弱了他们对领导者的信心。
        The simultaneous shocks to supply and demand — shuttered iPhone factories in China; empty gondolas in Venice; and passengers abandoning cruises, hotels and airlines everywhere else — is a new phenomenon that may not respond to the weapons government wielded against the dislocation that followed the September 2001 terrorist attacks and the financial crisis of 2008.        供给和需求在同一时刻受到冲击——被关闭的中国iPhone工厂;威尼斯空无一人的贡多拉;以及其他地方旅客放弃前往的邮轮、旅馆和航班——政府在2001年9月的恐怖袭击以及2008年金融危机后为抵御混乱所锻造的武器,恐怕难以用来对付这种新的现象。
        “The nature of this crisis is qualitatively different than the one in 2008 because the traditional tools are not as effective,” said Richard N. Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations. “Even if the U.S. took a leadership role, the traditional playbook would not be all that relevant here.”        “这次危机的性质,与2008年危机有本质区别,因为传统手段的效果不佳,”外交关系委员会(Council on Foreign Relations)主席理查德·N·哈斯(Richard N. Haass)说。“即使美国发挥领导作用,传统方案用在现在的情况没有多大意义。”
        Britain, for example, won praise for its robust economic response, which, in addition to billions of pounds for hospitals and workers sidelined by illness, included a sharp interest rate cut by the Bank of England.        例如,英国因其强劲的经济应对而赢得赞誉,他们不仅为医院和因疾病而停工的工人提供了数十亿英镑拨款,还包括英格兰银行的大幅降息。
        Yet stocks in London still tumbled, if not as steeply as on Wall Street, where investors brushed off Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin’s proposal to allow Americans to delay paying their income taxes, which he claimed would pump $200 billion into the economy.        然而,伦敦股市仍然下跌,尽管跌幅不及华尔街。面对财政部长史蒂芬·马努钦(Steven Mnuchin)提出的允许美国人缓交所得税的提议,华尔街投资人不为所动,马努钦声称此举将为经济注入2000亿美元。
        Mr. Trump’s other big idea, a cut in the payroll tax, was pronounced a “non-starter” by House Democrats, who scrambled instead to introduce legislation to provide financial help to patients, workers and families affected by the fast-moving epidemic and speed it to a House vote on Thursday.        特朗普先生的另一个大想法是削减薪金税,众议院民主党议员宣布这“不可能”,他们慌忙提出立法,在财务上帮助受迅速传播的流行病影响的患者、工人和家庭,并且快速提交至周四的众议院投票。
        To Mr. Haass, the intense focus on limiting the economic blow was understandable, given the carnage in the markets, but premature. He said countries needed to put their energy into slowing and mitigating the spread of the virus before they embarked on fiscal programs to repair the economic damage.        哈斯认为,考虑到市场的惨状,集中精力抑制经济冲击是可以理解的,但为时过早。他说,各国在开始实施财政计划以修复经济损失之前,需要投入精力以减慢并缓和病毒的传播。
        The trouble is that, with few exceptions, their efforts have been hapless. In the United States, the delay in developing coronavirus test kits and the scarcity of tests has made it impossible for officials, even weeks after the first cases appeared in the country, to get a true picture of the scale of the outbreak.        问题是,除了少数例外,他们的努力都没有什么好结果。在美国,由于开发冠状病毒检测工具的进度迟缓,以及检测手段的缺乏,官员们甚至在出现本国第一例病例数周后仍无法了解疫情的真实规模。
        In hard-hit Italy, quarrels broke out between politicians and medical experts over whether the authorities were testing too many people in Lombardy, inflating the infection figures and fueling panic in the public. Italy’s response could be weakened further by the anti-vaccination movement that was once embraced by the populist Five Star Movement, which took power in the last government.        在受灾严重的意大利,政界人士和医学专家争论当局是否在伦巴第对太多人进行测试,夸大感染人数,加剧公众恐慌。意大利的反应可能会遭到反疫苗运动的进一步削弱。该运动曾受上届执政的民粹主义政党五星运动(Five Star Movement)的支持。
        Even comparing one country’s case count to another’s is almost impossible, given the different testing procedures and diagnostic criteria around the world, said Dr. Chris Smith, a specialist in virology at the University of Cambridge.        剑桥大学(University of Cambridge)病毒学专家克里斯·史密斯(Chris Smith)博士表示,考虑到世界各地不同的检测程序和诊断标准,连对两个国家的病例数进行比较几乎都是不可能的。
        In the most extreme example, China’s case count skyrocketed when it began recording positives based on people’s symptoms, rather than a lab test, the method most countries are still using. But even lab tests might yield different results in different places, depending on the targets labs are using and the ways health workers collect and process specimens.        最极端的例子是,当中国开始根据症状而不是大多数国家仍在使用的实验室检测来计算确诊病例时,病例数出现了大幅飙升。但即使是实验室测试,不同的地方也可能产生不同的结果,这取决于实验室使用的对象以及医务人员收集和处理标本的方式。
        “Different countries are doing different things,” Dr. Smith said of the testing programs. “You’re not comparing apples to apples.”        “不同的国家正在做不同的事情,”史密斯谈到测试项目时说。“这不是苹果和苹果之间的对比。”
        The rise of populism has exacerbated the problem by reducing the incentives of countries to cooperate. European leaders, in a three-hour teleconference on Tuesday night, agreed to set up a 25 billion euro investment fund, or $28.1 billion, and to relax rules governing airlines to curb the economic fallout.        民粹主义的兴起减少了各国合作的意愿,使问题更加严重。欧洲领导人周二晚间举行了三小时的电话会议,同意设立一个250亿欧元(合1930亿元人民币)的投资基金,并放松对航空公司的监管,以遏制经济危机的影响。
        But they failed to overcome national objections to sharing medical equipment like face masks and respirators, given that health issues are the responsibility of national governments. Germany, the Czech Republic and other countries have tightened export restrictions on this gear to keep it for their own citizens.        但他们未能克服各国对分享口罩和呼吸器等医疗器械的反对,因为健康问题是国家政府的责任。德国、捷克共和国等国家已经加强了对这些设备的出口限制,以便将其留给本国公民。
        Chancellor Angela Merkel’s warning that the virus would infect 60 percent to 70 percent of people in Germany — a figure she attributed to the “consensus among experts” — was the most forthright admission of the scale of the problem by any world leader. It was fully in character for a physicist-turned-politician, reinforcing her status as the liberal West’s foil to Mr. Trump.        德国总理安格拉·默克尔(Angela Merkel)警告说,这种病毒将感染德国60%到70%的人——她称这一数字来自“专家共识”——这是世界各国领导人对该问题严重性最坦率的承认态度。这完全符合从物理学家转型为政治家的默克尔的性格,令她进一步成为自由主义西方世界中特朗普的一个鲜明对比。
        “We will do whatever is needed,” she said. “We won’t ask every day, ‘What does this mean for our deficit?’”        “我们会竭尽所能,”她说。“我们不会每天都问,‘这对我们的赤字有什么影响?’”
        Yet even Ms. Merkel’s position has been weakened by the resurgence of the far right in Germany. Germany rebuffed a request for medical equipment from Italy, only to see China offer the Italians an aid package that includes two million face masks and 100,000 respirators.        然而,就连默克尔的地位也被德国极右翼势力的复苏削弱了。德国拒绝了意大利提供医疗器械的请求,中国却向意大利提供了包括200万只口罩和10万只呼吸器在内的援助。
        In Britain, which left the European Union in January, there are already fears that the country will not have access to a vaccine, or will have to pay more for it than other European countries. Mr. Johnson’s government, which won its recent election on a populist-inflected platform of “Get Brexit Done,” is now struggling with how to communicate the risks of the outbreak to its public.        在今年1月脱离欧盟的英国,已经有人担心该国将无法获得疫苗,或者将不得不支付比其他欧洲国家更多的费用。约翰逊的政府在最近的选举中获胜,凭借的是受民粹主义影响的“完成脱欧”(Get Brexit Done)宣言。如今这个政府正在吃力地向民众宣讲疫情暴发的风险。
        The Johnson government has put a lot of stock in a so-called nudge unit in Downing Street that specializes in behavioral psychology. But in trying to calibrate its response to what it deemed people capable of processing, the government risked condescending to Britons, said John Ashton, a former regional director of public health for the northwest of England.        约翰逊政府在唐宁街设立了一个擅长行为心理学的所谓“哄劝”部门,为此投入了大量资金。但前英格兰西北部地区公共卫生主任约翰·阿什顿(John Ashton)说,政府在判断人们的接受限度,并以这个限度为依据来制定自己的应对措施,这可能是在用一种假惺惺的屈就方式对待英国人民。
        Britain has only recently started publishing broad breakdowns of where people are contracting the virus. Mr. Ashton said they should be giving much more detailed information, as in Hong Kong, which has published building-level maps of patients who have gotten sick, when they were there and how they contracted the virus.        英国直到最近才开始公布感染发生的具体地点。阿什顿说,他们应该提供更详细的信息,就像香港一样。香港公布了具体到建筑的患者地图,并提供他们在那里的时间和感染病毒的方式。
        “I think it’s patronizing — they need to keep the public fully in the picture,” Mr. Ashton said. “You have to treat the public as adults, instead of keeping them in the dark. That’s where you get rumor and hysteria. They actually create panic by not being open with people.”        “我认为这是一种哄人的姿态——他们需要让公众充分了解情况,”阿什顿说。“你必须像对待成年人一样对待公众,而不是把他们蒙在鼓里。谣言和歇斯底里就是这么来的。他们不向人民开诚布公,实际上是在制造恐慌。”

OK阅读网 版权所有(C)2017 | 联系我们